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The Church, Clergy, Christianity and
Politics Should the church participate in political discourse? The answer is "yes", but not to the exclusion of teaching the principles of Right living, repentance, and salvation. The common wisdom (incorrectly) holds that churches cannot criticize and comment on issues of state from the pulpit in return for tax-exempt status. In fact, tax law prohibits only endorsing a specific candidate. The legislation that mandated this restriction on supporting candidates by 501 (c)(3) organizations was introduced by LBJ in 1954, and while it was not aimed at churches, it has been used to produce a self imposed silence on all political speech from the pulpit. Commentary on both candidate and issues was heartily engaged in the Founding era, and the Black Regiment, the preachers of the day, can be attributed largely with the mobilization of the public and success of the Revolutionary War. The actual question we must ask is, "Can we justify the involvement of the church and clergy in the consideration of secular matters?" In this regard the Black Regiment of the mid 1700s answered in the affirmative. God is the God of all, both the sacred and secular, He sees them all, and we are the sheep of His pasture, the proxies for executing His will, and His hands extended. It is only through the actions of men that the will of God forms the dust of the earth to fashion His desired works. It is only through the gathered and agreed will of His people that large works are accomplished. For such purposes men must come together for reason, decision, and action. The secular struggles of life require dedication of mind, heart, and energy to the daily work of commerce, war, and governance, but all efforts produce better fruit when following the will and way of God. The church need not consider every act of secular life, but events and seasons happen when mankind strays from the charge of creating His Kingdom on Earth, and we must in preparation and execution call on His guidance. Discussion, exortation, and commentary from the perspective of the Word is both helpful and grounding. In this world, movement is preceded by force, and the great force of group projects is only assembled by unifying the will and action of men through words that create desire and commitment to purpose. The heartiest effort is mobilized when men recognize their duty as absolute, true, and Right. Inside each man's heart lies the courage of a lion to stand against all opponents when he knows his stand is in defense of Truth. That sacred space once opened releases the passion to serve God and risk all for the glory of eternity and Righteousness. We should include regular consideration of the current issues of legislation, economics, public morality, and character from the pulpit. There is no right rudder for society other than the wisdom of God, Scripture, and leading of the Holy Spirit. Society needs the guidance of the church; we must speak our concerns, discuss the issues, come to group consensus, and take action by voting and enrollment. The Christian perspective is the most important voice in the political debate; but the church, the body of Christ, must first come together in unity of mind and speak that word with clarity, reason, and resolve. Our voice should be included in the political debate; it will affect political climate. When the church comes to agreement, and the body of Christ votes dependably for Righteousness, the nation will return to governance by the principles of our Christian heritage. There is no need to take up arms while the people have an effective voice in their government, and the ballot box accurately reflects the will of the people. The media has become the primary shaper of public belief and opinion, and the church must balance the secular agenda with a Godly perspective from the pulpit. If we let this time of waning freedom pass, we may find that forceful resistance is the only option to regain lost freedom. To return our nation to its obedience and service to God and His way, the church and clergy must take advantage of the freedom of speech we still have to resist imposing even more stringent restrictions, and push back and retake lost ground. As laity, we must encourage the clergy to address the issues of legislation, public morality, and involvement in the political process from the Christian perspective. The clergy must take the lead in bringing the laity into a right understanding of the issues and mobilize the voice of the church in influencing public policy. On the IRS website the history of the ban on church involvement in politics is listed. "In 1954, Congress approved an amendment by Sen. Lyndon Johnson to prohibit 501(c)(3) organizations, which includes charities and churches, from engaging in any political campaign activity. To the extent Congress has revisited the ban over the years, it has in fact strengthened the ban. The most recent change came in 1987 when Congress amended the language to clarify that the prohibition also applies to statements opposing candidates." Currently, the law prohibits political campaign activity by charities and churches by defining a 501(c)(3) organization as one "which does not participate in, or intervene in (including the publishing or distributing of statements), any political campaign on behalf of (or in opposition to) any candidate for public office." James Davidson of Purdue offers the following explanation of the origin of the ban on church political involvement: "Why Churches Cannot Endorse or Oppose Political Candidates". Churches cannot favor or oppose particular candidates for political office. The ban on electioneering has nothing to do with the First Amendment or Jeffersonian principles of separation of church and state. Instead, the ban is based on a provision in the 1954 tax reform act prohibiting all tax-exempt organizations from supporting or opposing political candidates. I show that the provision grew out of the anti-communist frenzy of the 1950s and was directed at right-wing organizations such as Facts Forum and the Committee for Constitutional Government. It was introduced by Lyndon Johnson as part of his effort to end McCarthyism, protect the loyalist wing of the Texas Democratic Party, and win reelection to the Senate in 1954. I also discuss the implications these findings have for contemporary church policy. In summary, the IRS will penalize the church for supporting specific candidates. While silencing the church on all political issues was not the overt statement of the legislation, this law has had the de facto effect of removing the public voice of the church. The ACLU and its kindred organizations (People For the American Way…) actually operate with intent to completely silence the voice of Christianity. These groups have leveraged the color of law, and case law, to intimidate the public voice of churches litigation threats. Politics, and the voter's intervention in the process, is largely about choosing men of character. The society suffers a grave loss when the church is prevented from influencing the choice of representative. We must reverse the 1954 legislation restricting involvement of 501 (c)(3) organizations in endorsing or opposing candidates. The Constitutional intent of free political speech must be restored, especially for the Christian community. Still, as this time the church may legally, and without fear of tax repercussions, engage in significant political activity by taking stands on issues. See the 10 Myths essay by Jeffrey Tannebaum, Esq. Clearly, the church that chooses to support or oppose candidates will suffer the tax consequences of opposing this law. As a body, we must begin to take the risk of speaking out on the issues. The nation will continue steady on its course toward increased secularization if the church does not stand up. If we remain silent, overt legislation will eventually forcibly silence the use of Jesus’ name in all public discourse.
Excerpts below from:
by: Dr. David C. Gibbs Jr.
President Christian Law Association, with Jerry Newcombe
©2003 Published by the Christian Law
Association, P.O. Box 4010, Seminole, Florida 33775-4010 www.christianlaw.org Chapter 7 The Black
Regiment "... take away your exactions
from my people, saith the Lord God." Ezekiel
45:9b Many of the clergy in the American
colonies, members of the Black Regiment, "preached
liberty." The colonial pulpit was a major
source of strength and inspiration both before and during the
Revolutionary War for Independence. In particular, the ministers of New
England played a pivotal role in calling for independence and for Godly
resistance to British tyranny. At least twice a year, and always around
the time of local election days, the clergy would preach an election
sermon on the state of political affairs. The seventh thing every Christian
should know about the founding of America is that many of the clergy in
the American colonies “preached liberty." The pulpits of New England were
especially important in helping to bring about independence. Long before
the general population understood the threat to American liberty, some
colonial ministers saw what was coming and boldly spoke out about it from
their pulpits. Because of the color of their
robes, these patriotic clergy were known as the Black Regiment. Other
colonials, who were organized to protect their towns from the British at a
moments notice, were called Minutemen. They were generally laymen from a
particular local church, led by their minister or deacon who conducted
military drills after Sunday services. Rev. Jonas Clark is a good example
of the Black Regiment. He was in charge of the Minutemen in Lexington who
were attacked in the first conflict of the Revolutionary
War. The Puritan
Pulpits Another example of the Black
Regiment was Dr. Samuel Cooper, minister of the Brattle Street Church in
Boston. He was a friend of Samuel Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John
Adams. One of his faithful parishioners was John Hancock. Like so many in
the Black Regiment, he was a Harvard graduate. Dr. Cooper summarized the
sentiments of the Black Regiment when he echoed Jeremiah 6:14 in
his election sermon at Boston in 1780 during the War: "Peace, peace, we
ardently wish; but not upon terms dishonorable to ourselves, or dangerous
to our liberties; and our enemies seem not yet prepared to allow it upon
any other." George Bancroft describes these
clergy patriots, whom he calls the "memorable divines" of New England, as
a key to uniting their congregations in defense of liberty:
Their successors in the ministry,
all pupils of Harvard or Yale, true ministers to the people, unequaled in
metaphysical acuteness and familiarity with the principles of political
freedom, were heard as of old with reverence by their congregations in
their meeting-houses on every Lord's day, and on special occasions of
fasts, thanksgivings, lectures, and military musters. Elijah's mantle
being caught up was a happy token that the Lord would be with this
generation, as he had been with their fathers. Their exhaustless armory
was the Bible, whose scriptures furnished sharp words to point their
appeals, apt examples of resistance, prophetic denunciations of the
enemies of God's people, and promises of the divine blessing on the
defenders of his law. "Two important concepts stand out
in this description. For members of the Black Regiment, defending liberty
was the same as defending God's law. Secondly, these sermons were
published and circulated throughout the colonies in the press greatly
magnifying their impact." Preaching Liberty
Many Americans understand that the
very first settlers of New England were devout Christians. However, we are
generally led to believe that, by the time of the founding era, whatever
faith there had been was long since evaporated. There is a nugget of truth in this
analysis in the sense that as prosperity began to grow in the colonies,
many second and third generation believers did abandon the faith, at least
inwardly. George Whitefield had reported when he first visited Boston in
1740: "It has the form of religion kept up, but has lost much of its
power." Secular historians often play down
the role of the Great Awakening in preparing the colonists for
independence. Probably for much the same reasons, they almost universally
ignore the Black Regiment, those ministers up and down the American coast
who played such a significant role in stirring the souls of the colonists
to liberty. Members of the Black Regiment had a
great deal to say about the tyranny of the king and Parliament. Rev
Jonathan Mayhew, minister of West Church in Boston, preached a sermon in
1765 after learning of King George's Stamp Act, in which he declared that
the king had thus forfeited his rightful authority over his American
subjects. Rev. Mayhew reasoned: "The king is as much bound by his
oath not to infringe the legal rights of the people, as the people are
bound to yield subjection to him. From whence it follows that as soon as
the prince sets himself above the law, he loses the king in the tyrant. He
does, to all intents and purposes, un-king himself." ---------------------------------------------------------------- "The prominence of ministers in the
political literature of the period attests to the continuing influence of
religion during the founding era." Dr. Donald S. Lutz, political
science professor --------------------------------------------------------------- “The scriptures cannot rightly be
expounded without explaining them in a manner friendly to the cause of
freedom.” Rev. Charles Turner, Duxbury,
Mass. ----------------------------------------------------------------- As far back as the Magna Carta in
1215 and the Glorious Revolution of 1688, with its subsequent Bill of
Rights (1689), English citizens had extracted more rights from their
monarchs than any other people on earth. The New England clergy were well
aware of these rights and regularly reminded their congregations of
them. God's Intervention
Rev. Phillips Payson of Chelsea,
Massachusetts, was another bold servant of God who led his laymen as
Minutemen. There had been numerous times during the war effort when God
Himself had seemed to intervene. About three years into the War for
Independence, during a time when the hand of God was clearly favoring the
Americans, General George Washington acknowledged that fact in a letter to
fellow Virginian Thomas Nelson, Jr., one of the signers of the Declaration
of Independence. Washington pointed out in this
letter, written on August 20, 1778: "The hand of Providence has been so
conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks
faith, and more than wicked, that has not gratitude enough to acknowledge
his obligations." In expressing these sentiments, the
father of our country was echoing a message delivered earlier in 1778 by a
member of the Black Regiment. Rev Payson had preached in an election
sermon in Boston: "We must be infidels, the worst of infidels, to disown
or disregard the hand that has raised us up such benevolent and powerful
assistants in times of great distress." Both the clergyman and the General
understood that the Americans were not fighting alone. It seemed obvious
that God was on their side or rather that they were on God's side in the
fight for liberty. Watchmen on the
Walls Those clergy in the Black Regiment
during the founding era can be likened to the watchmen on the wall
described by the prophet in Ezekiel 3:17-21. The watchman would look down
at all who were entering the gates of the walled city and warn the
citizens if necessary Rev. Franklin P. Cole, a modern-day pastor who
studied at Oxford University, wrote about the New England clergy and the
role they played in our War for Independence: "The New England minister of the Revolutionary era was a watchman on several walls. He was a guardian of education. Practically all the Puritan clergy had been educated at Harvard or Yale; the most influential of them having their Master's or Doctor's degree. In 1764, of the fifty-two settled Congregational ministers in New Hampshire, forty-eight were college graduates."
Rev. Cole points out that colonial
ministers were generally well-rounded in their studies, not merely learned
in theology: "Contrary to popular opinion of the present day, many of the
ministers of the Revolutionary period were interested in other fields of
knowledge besides theology." In addition to quoting from and
expounding on the Bible, the Black Regiment would also sometimes quote
from John Locke, John Milton, Algernon Sydney, Baron Montesquieu, and
Samuel Butler. Milton and Butler were Puritans. Locke wrote The
Reasonablness of Christianity. Sydney was a friend of William Penn and a
professing Christian who set forth his governmental ideals in a treatise,
Discourses Concerning Government, that greatly influenced political
thought in 18th century America. The writings of Baron de Charles Louis de
Secondat Montesquieu contain many pro-Christian sentiments. For example,
in his The Spirit of Laws, Montesquieu wrote: "We shall see that we owe to
Christianity, in government, a certain political law, and in war a certain
law of nations benefits which human nature can never sufficiently
acknowledge." The Founding Fathers quoted from
these same sources, and also quoted frequently from Sir William
Blackstone, an Englishman who documented the Christian basis of British
common law in his popular series of Commentaries on British common law.
Blackstone sold more of his Commentaries in the colonies during the 1770s
than he did in England. Political science professor Donald
S. Lutz, author of The Origins of American Constitutionalism, discusses
the major impact of the Bible on the decision to separate from
England: "When reading comprehensively in
the political literature of the war years, one cannot but be struck by the
extent to which biblical sources used by ministers undergirded the
justification for the break with Britain, the rationale for continuing the
war, and the basic principles of Americans' writing their own
constitutions." --------------------------------------------------------------- "The road to American freedom was
paved in large part by the pulpits of New England Sermons from the
colonial era helped to shape the American understanding that “resistance
to tyranny is obedience to God." D. James Kennedy and Jerry
Newcombe, What If Jesus Had Never Been Born? ---------------------------------------------------------------- "The minister was usually the best
educated man in his community." Franklin Cole, They Preached
Liberty ------------------------------------------------------- Election Day
Sermons Elections were held in most
colonies, and certainly in New England, every year. This democratic
practice was an outgrowth of the Reformation's emphasis on the sinfulness
of man. Rev. Cole discusses the election sermons preached by the Black
Regiment. It was in the so-called “Election Sermons" of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Vermont that the ministers expressed themselves most fluently on the subject of civil government. According to the Rev William Gordon of Roxbury, an historian of the Revolution: "Two sermons have been preached annually for a length of time, the one on general election day, the last Wednesday in May, when the new general court has been used to meet, according to charter, and elect counselors for the ensuing year, the other, some little while after, on the artillery election day, when the officers are re-elected, or new officers chosen. On these occasions political subjects are deemed very proper, but it is expected that they be treated in a decent, serious, and instructive manner... The sermon is styled the Election Sermon and is printed. Every representative has a copy for himself and generally one or more for the minister or ministers of his town. As the patriots have prevailed, the preachers of each sermon have been the zealous friends of liberty; and the passages most adapted to promote the spread and love of it have been selected and circulated far and wide by means of newspapers." And, of course, the Scriptures were
the source for these election sermons, which were then printed in the
newspaper and given a wide circulation, thereby spreading the love of
liberty drawn from the Bible. Today's newspapers would be more likely to
report favorably on the political views of the latest "pop" singer or
actress than of the local ministers. No Fairweather Friends of
Liberty Rev. Cole makes the point that
these ministers of the Black Regiment were friends of liberty both in
season and out of season; they were patriots whether conditions were
favorable or unfavorable. Such faithfulness was in stark contrast to some
in the merchant class who were sometimes friends of liberty and sometimes
friends of the British. Rev. Cole explains: "With the powerful New England merchants the case was different. They were conscious of their liberties only when their prosperity was threatened. When the Townshend Acts of 1767, laying duties on tea, lead, glass, etc., were passed, the merchants were vocal in their annoyance. But when the Acts were repealed, they were prepared to bury the hatchet with England, but to wield another against Sam Adams and his confederates who were "disturbing the peace." A few years later, however, when Lord North in 1773 granted the East India Company the monopoly on the transportation of tea to America, the merchants again stood with the "hundred percent patriots." Thus in the decade preceding the Revolution economic fortune or misfortune determined for the merchant class their convictions regarding political liberty." In contrast to these merchants, the
New England clergy were pro-freedom, come what may: "They rejoiced with the lawyers and tradesmen when the Stamp Act was repealed; in fact, practically every pulpit rang with "the good news from a far land."... The ministers before and during the Revolution stood, with few exceptions, near the center of liberty's wall. They were, as a group, neither radical nor reactionary in their political philosophy." One Massachusetts clergyman,
Abraham Keteltas, declared in 1777: "The most precious remains of civil liberty the world can now boast of, are lodged in our hands.... [This war is] the cause of truth, against error and false hood. . . the cause of pure and undefiled religion, against bigotry, superstition, and human inventions. . . . In short, it is the cause of heaven against hell -- of the kind Parent of the universe against the prince of darkness, and the destroyer of the human race." ------------------------------------------------------------- "There is probably no group of men
in history, living in a particular area at a given time, who can speak as
forcibly on the subject of liberty as the Congregational ministers of New
England between 1750 and 1785." Franklin R
Cole -------------------------------------------------------------- "Witness a great, if not the
greatest, part of the known world who are now groaning, but not murmuring,
under the heavy yoke of tyranny!" Rev. Jonathan
Mayhew -------------------------------------------------------------- The Black Regiment was so powerful in 1774 before the War began that when the people of Massachusetts wanted their royalist pro-British governor, Thomas Hutchinson, to call for a day of fasting and prayer, he refused because he feared what might be said in the pulpits on such a day. He observed that, "the request was only to give an opportunity for sedition to flow from the pulpit." Beyond New England
Although there were many in the
Black Regiment from other colonies and other regions, it was the New
England pulpit in particular to which this honorary title is given. These
clergy were by far the most active in preaching liberty; But beyond New
England, the Black Regiment had other faithful members like Rev. Sam
Davies of Virginia. John Adams observed, "The Philadelphia ministers
`thunder and lighten every Sabbath' against George 5th's despotism."
And, in speaking of his native Virginia, Thomas Jefferson observed,
"Pulpit oratory ran like a shock of electricity through the whole
colony." Rev. Sam Davies, a minister in
Hanover County; Virginia, preached a powerful sermon against cowardice
during the War. He asked: "Is it not our duty, in the sight of God, is it
not a work to which the Lord loudly calls us, to take up arms for the
defense of our country?" Jonathan Mayhew Rev. Jonathan Mayhew (1720-1766)
was one of the most profound thinkers in the Black Regiment and one of the
greatest New England friends of liberty. He was a graduate of Harvard and
served West Church in Boston from 1747 until his death in 1766, a full
decade before the Declaration of Independence was written.
Rev. Mayhew was the quintessential
clergyman of the Black Regiment. Early on, he saw the inevitability of
American independence for righteousness' sake. He preached against British
tyranny as a sin from which the people under its oppression had an
obligation to rebel. For example: "The people know for what end they
set up, and maintain, their governors; and they are the proper judges when
they execute their trust as they ought to do it when their prince
exercises an equitable and paternal authority over them; when from a
prince and common father, he exalts himself into a tyrant when from
subjects and children, he degrades them into the class of slaves; plunders
them, makes them his prey, and unnaturally sports himself with their lives
and fortunes." Rev. Mayhew knew that the power of
government was invested in the people. He also knew that the consent of
the governed was more important than the petty whims of magistrates who
lose their authority to rule over the people when they become tyrants.
Such radical preaching played a major role in the drive for independence.
Franklin Cole regrets that Rev. Mayhew is little known in America
today: "It is regrettable that Jonathan Mayhew is not better known and more rightfully honored by our generation. For he was an inspired, courageous pioneer, not only in his theological thought, but also in his convictions regarding civil and religious liberties." Robert Treat Paine, a signer of the Declaration of Independence and one-time attorney-general of the United States, called Mayhew "The Father of Civil and Religious Liberty in Massachusetts and America." As early as 1749, Rev. Mayhew
preached a sermon expressing his disagreement with a proposal in the
British Parliament, which was intended to impose upon all the American
colonies membership in the Episcopal (or Anglican) Church. Such a move
would have been disastrous, turning back the clock on much of the American
experience. All the hardships the Pilgrims, Puritans, Quakers,
Presbyterians, and Huguenots had endured to escape religious persecution
in the Old World would have been for naught had England imposed such a
requirement on America. Rev. Mayhew was among the first to
see the lethal consequences to Christian freedom that such a parliamentary
directive would have had. So, as the British Parliament was discussing the
possibility of imposing the Church of England as the State Church in
America, Rev. Mayhew preached a message entitled, "Concerning Unlimited
Submission to the Higher Powers, to the Council and House of
Representatives in Colonial New England." In that message, preached on
January 30, 1750, his Scripture passage was Romans 13:1-7; but Rev. Mayhew
did not instruct his flock to submit to a tyrant king. He believed there
was a time and a place to discuss politics from the
pulpit: "It is hoped that but few will
think the subject of it an improper one to be discoursed on in the pulpit,
under a notion that this is preaching politics, instead of Christ.
However, to remove all prejudices of this sort, I beg it may be remembered
that "all Scripture is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for
correction, for instruction in righteousness." Why, then, should not those
parts of Scripture which relate to civil government be examined and
explained from the desk, as well as others?" -------------------------------------------------------------- "And while I am speaking of loyalty
to our earthly Prince, suffer me just to put you in mind to be loyal also
to the supreme RULER of the universe, by whom kings reign, and princes
decree justice." Rev. Jonathan Mayhew ---------------------------------------------------------- "... it is no easy matter to
deceive or conquer a people determined to be free." Rev. Phillips Payson, election
sermon, Boston, 1778 -----------------------------------------------------------
Because the Word of God addresses
all of life, including politics, Rev. Mayhew concluded that politics is an
appropriate topic for the pulpit: "It is evident that the affairs of
civil government may properly fall under a moral and religious
consideration.... For, although there be a sense, and a very plain and
important sense, in which Christ's kingdom is not of this world, his
inspired apostles have, nevertheless, laid down some general principles
concerning the office of civil rulers, and the duty of subjects, together
with the reason and obligation of that duty... [I]t is proper for all who
acknowledge the authority of Jesus Christ, and the inspiration of his
apostles, to endeavor to understand what is in fact the doctrine which
they have delivered concerning this matter." Civil tyranny is usually small in
its beginning, like "the drop of a bucket," till at length, like a mighty
torrent, or the raging waves of the sea, it bears down all before it, and
deluges whole countries and empires. Rev. Mayhew served as another
watchman on the wall, warning about this encroachment on liberty. He
preached a radical message: "To say that subjects in general
are not proper judges when their governors oppress them, and play the
tyrant and when they defend their rights, administer justice impartially,
and promote the public welfare, is as great treason as ever man uttered;
`tis treason, not against one single man, but the state against the whole
body politic `tis treason against mankind `tis treason against common
sense; `tis treason against God. And this impious principle lays the
foundation for justifying all the tyranny and oppression that ever any
prince was guilty of." It was little wonder that the
royalist Massachusetts Governor Thomas Hutchinson referred to the
clergymen as "seditious." Jonathan Mayhew was left
alone. Samuel West
Rev. Samuel West, who graduated
from Harvard in 1754 and served as a Congregational minister in Dartmouth,
Massachusetts, helped John Adams to write the Constitution of
Massachusetts, which although not the first, is the oldest continuing
constitution in the world. Rev. West also served on the Massachusetts
committee to consider the adoption of the United States Constitution. In
an election sermon, West once preached: "Unlimited submission and obedience
is to none but God alone... And to suppose that he has given to any
particular set of men a power to require obedience to that which is
unreasonable, cruel, and unjust, is robbing the Deity of his justice and
goodness." In July 1776, the same month the
Declaration of Independence was signed, Rev. West spoke out in Boston,
concerning the Revolution: "Our cause is so just and good that nothing can prevent our success but only our sins. Could I see a spirit of repentance and reformation prevail throughout the land, I should not have the least apprehension or fear of being brought under the iron rod of slavery; even though all the powers of the globe were combined against us. And though I confess that the irreligion and profaneness which are so common among us gives something of a damp to my spirits, yet I cannot help hoping, and even believing, that Providence has designed this continent for to be the asylum of liberty and true religion." ---------------------------------------------------------- "Our cause is
just." Slogan of the Minutemen ------------------------------------------------------------ Rev. John Peter
Muhlenberg In one of the most dramatic moments
of the American War for Independence, in a Lutheran church in Virginia,
the pastor, Rev. John Peter Muhlenberg, preached from Ecclesiastes 3:1,8:
"To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the
heaven:... A time to love, and a time to hate; a time of war, and a time
of peace." As Rev Muhlenberg concluded his sermon, he said: "In the
language of Holy Writ, there [is] a time for all things, a time to preach
and a time to pray, but those times have passed away... there is a time to
fight and that time has now come!" He then tore off his clergy robe in
front of the startled congregation. Under his robe, Rev. Muhlenberg was
dressed in the uniform of a Continental Army officer. He declared his
intentions to leave the ministry for the duration of the War in order to
serve in the cause of American liberty George Bancroft tells us: "[T]he
congregations of Germans, quickened by the preaching of Muhlenberg, were
eager to take up arms." This dramatic moment in American history is
commemorated by a statue of Muhlenberg that still stands in the US.
Capitol Rotunda. William J. Federer tells us what
happened next: "That afternoon, at the head of 300 men, he marched off to
join General Washington's troops, becoming colonel of the 8th Virginia
Regiment. He served until the end of the war being promoted to the rank of
Major-general." Rev. Muhlenberg's method of
recruiting troops was far more dramatic than most, but it is symbolic of
the significant role the church and the clergy played in the American
Revolution. The Minutemen
The Minutemen were so named because
they could fight at a minute's notice. Often the Minutemen were recruited
by their pastor or by the head deacon of their church. It was the pastor
or deacon who led them in their military drills. The church was
customarily located in the center of town and was usually the hub of
society: So when conflict began to break it was only natural that the
church would continue to be at the center of the
activity. In 1774, the Congress of
Massachusetts, recognizing that a significant portion of the colony's
military was comprised of Minutemen, commissioned them with this stirring
challenge: "The eyes not only of North America and the whole British Empire, but of all Europe, are upon you. Let us be, therefore, altogether solicitous that no disorderly behavior, nothing unbecoming our characters as Americans, as citizens and Christians, be justly chargeable to us." Although the Minutemen were poorly
equipped volunteers, they used a unique and effective form of warfare for
their day. Wars in the late 1700s were customarily fought by lining up
armies in columns in the open field and shooting at one another until one
or both of the armies retreated. During the Revolutionary War, the British
army would line itself up; but the Minutemen, instead of lining up against
them in the open field, chose rather to hide behind trees or bills and
fight with whatever they could find. Because they had so few guns, the
Minutemen were often forced to rely on sticks and rocks to wage their
battles against the British army. The story is told that when the War
for Independence was over and America had become a nation, one British
general was asked what he had feared most during the war.
"Was it General Washington?"
The general replied, "No, General
Washington was a great leader, but I did not fear him the most."
Was it the Continental Army,
Washington's fighting troops? He replied, "No, they were fine
fighters, but I did not fear them the most." "The weather? The large American
cities? The diverse Terrain? The French navy?" The general replied, "No, I did not
fear any of those things the most. The thing that I feared most during the
war was the Minutemen. Those crazy soldiers were improperly armed and
barely clothed, but the American Minutemen did not know the meaning of the
word ‘retreat.’ If you ever wanted to gain a victory over the Minutemen,
you had to kill them all because they never quit." While this conversation is somewhat
modernized, it represents the soul of the Revolution and, hopefully, the
soul of those who still stand for freedom to practice a Biblical faith in
America. Lexington and
Concord Perhaps the most famous Minutemen
of all were those from the Lexington Church, whose leader was Pastor Jonas
Clark of the Black Regiment. The battles that began on April 19, 1775, in
Lexington and Concord sparked the American War for Independence. It was on
that date that British soldiers first fired on the Minutemen outside their
church in Lexington, Massachusetts. Colonists in what was to become
Kentucky were so impressed with the bravery of these Americans in the Bay
State that they named one of their own cities Lexington in their honor.
April 19, 1775, was the day the
shot was fired that was heard around the world, the shot that ignited the
lamp of liberty a lamp that has since burned around the globe.
Throughout the night of April 18,
Paul Revere had made his famous midnight ride, warning, "The British are
coming! The British are coming!" The Redcoats were marching to the sleepy
little village of Lexington because two of the greatest early patriots of
liberty could be found there Samuel Adams and John Hancock. These two men
were being entertained in the home of Rev Jonas Clark, minister of the
church in Lexington. At that time, Lexington was a small
town with a population of about seven hundred. The British were also
interested in that area because they were planning to seize a cache of
gunpowder being stored in the neighboring town of Concord. George Bancroft
tells us what happened in the wee hours of April 19: "At two in the morning, under the
eye of the minister [Rev. Jonas Clark], and of [John] Hancock and [Samuel]
Adams, Lexington common was alive with the minute-men; and not with them
only, but with the old men, who were exempts, except in case of immediate
danger to the town. The roll was called, and, of militia and alarm men,
about one hundred and thirty answered to their names. The captain, John
Parker, ordered every one to load with powder and ball, but to take care
not to be the first to fire" Speaking of the Lexington Church in
Massachusetts, Bancroft observed, "How often in that building had they,
with renewed professions of their faith, looked up to God as the stay of
their fathers and the protector of their privileges!" For a century and a
half; Christians had been stepping over that parade ground on their way to
church for worship. Now they were there defending their right to continue
to worship freely. Bancroft adds: "The ground on which
they trod was the altar of freedom, and they were to furnish the victims."
When the two parties the well disciplined British Army and the ragtag
assembly of church men encountered each other, it became very clear that
the Americans were hopelessly outnumbered, so Captain Parker commanded his
men to depart. But before they could do so, the battle began.
In the melee that followed, seven
Americans were killed; both the old and the young, and nine were wounded
one sixth of those fighting on the Lexington green. This battle was a
turning point for America. Other patriots saw how the Lexington Green was
red "with the innocent blood of their brethren
slain." The British, who lost far more men
in this first battle, then marched on to Concord. Among the colonial dead
left at Lexington were several old men who could easily have gone quietly
to their graves in the comfort of their own homes at some future time.
Instead, they chose to defend their homes and paid the ultimate price for
liberty. This was the sacrificial world of the Minutemen.
Jonas Clark, the minister at
Lexington, who lost many of his congregation on the town green that
fateful day, said this of the marauding British
troops: "And this is the place where the
fatal scene begins! They approach with the morning light; and more like
murderers and cutthroats, than the troops of a Christian king, without
provocation, without warning, when no war was proclaimed, they draw the
sword of violence, upon the inhabitants of this town, and with a cruelty
and barbarity, which would have made the most hardened savage blush, they
shed INNOCENT BLOOD. . . . Yonder field can witness the innocent blood of
our brethren slain! There the tender father bled, and there the beloved
son!" As Sam Adams examined the field
that morning, he proclaimed: "Oh, what a glorious morning is this!" He was
not rejoicing in these deaths, but was rejoicing because he knew such a
carnage would only hasten the day of complete American independence from
Great Britain. On that same day, the British and Americans exchanged
gunfire in nearby Concord. Bancroft notes a spiritual dimension to that
battle as well: "The people of Concord, of whom about two hundred appeared in arms on that day, derived their energy from their sense of the divine power. This looking to God as their sovereign brought the fathers to their pleasant valley, this controlled the loyalty of the sons; and this has made the name of Concord venerable throughout the world." When word of these battles spread
to towns near and far, other Minutemen came pouring in from many places to
help their brethren in Lexington and Concord. As an example, George
Bancroft notes: "The men of Dedham, even the old men, received their
minister's blessing and went forth, in such numbers that scarce one male
between sixteen and seventy was left at home." The Dedham minister was
another member of the Black Regiment, encouraging his congregation to
fight for liberty .The church was clearly the hub of colonial society
during our nation's fight for independence. ------------------------------------------------------------- "From this day will be dated the
liberty of the world" Rev. Jonas Clark, Commentary on the
Battle of Lexington, April 19, 1776 ---------------------------------------------------------------- Give `em Watts
There were other Minutemen headed
by the clergy during a battle between his parishioners and the British
troops, Rev. James Caldwell turned over his church hymnals (full of the
hymns of Isaac Watts) when the Minutemen ran out of wadding for their
muskets. Running out of wadding was as bad then as running out of bullets
would be today. Rev Caldwell did not hesitate to sacrifice these hymnals,
tearing out the pages and handing them to the American soldiers, saying,
"Give `em Watts, boys! Give `em Watts!" The Minutemen, and Watts, won that
battle. Conclusion
There is much more that could be
said about the Black Regiment. Whole books have been written about their
influential sermons. Dr. Ellis Sandoz of Louisiana State University has
compiled a two-volume set of Political Sermons of the American Founding
Era, 1730-1805. Dr. Harry Stout, a professor at Yale University,
researched Black Regiment sermons that had never been published, and
issued his book, The New England Soul. We have seen that the seventh thing every Christian should know about the founding of America is that the Black Regiment, and especially the New England clergy along with their faithful Minutemen, helped to provide the moral and spiritual, as well as the actual, force needed for America to choose liberty and achieve it. As John Wingate Thornton once put it, "To the Pulpit, the Puritan Pulpit, we owe the moral force which won our independence." |
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Founders | Gateway to Health | Alexis deTocqueville | George Washington | Joseph Story | Thomas Jefferson | Benjamin Franklin | James Madison | John Adams | Patrick Henry | Founders on Judicial Tyranny | First Amendment  | ||
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